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Privacy vs Security: Examining India’s Groundbreaking Data Protection Bill 2023

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India’s journey towards enacting a comprehensive data protection law reached a significant milestone as the Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023, was passed by the Rajya Sabha, following the Lok Sabha’s approval earlier. This legislative development signifies the country’s second attempt to establish a robust privacy framework. While this achievement is noteworthy, the Bill has sparked discussions, with privacy experts expressing concerns about certain provisions, including exemptions for the central government and its potential impact on online censorship and the Right to Information (RTI) Act.

Key Provisions of the Bill

Exemptions for the Centre:
One of the contentious aspects of the Bill is the provision that allows the central government to exempt “any instrumentality of the state” from the adverse consequences of data processing, citing reasons such as national security, foreign relations, and maintenance of public order. IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw defended these exemptions, citing scenarios like natural disasters and police investigations where swift action may be required without obtaining consent for data processing.

Comparison with GDPR:
Shri. Vaishnaw pointed out that the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) contains 16 exemptions, while India’s Bill has only four. However, privacy advocates argue that the Indian legislation grants broader powers to the government.

Penalties and Platform Blocking:
The Bill introduces penalties for entities that violate data protection norms. If an entity is penalized on multiple occasions, the central government, after a hearing, can decide to block its platform in the country. This provision adds a layer of enforcement not present in the 2022 draft.

Online Censorship Concerns:
Experts have raised concerns that the Bill, particularly the exemptions and penalties, could contribute to the existing online censorship regime, particularly under Section 69(A) of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

Impact on the Right to Information Act:
Critics worry that the Bill’s provisions protecting the personal data of government functionaries could potentially undermine the RTI Act by making it difficult to share such information with RTI applicants. Shri. Vaishnaw argued that the Bill harmonises RTI and personal data protection.

Data Protection Board:
The control of the Centre in appointing members of the Data Protection Board, which deals with privacy-related grievances and disputes, has been retained. The Chief Executive of the board will be appointed by the central government, raising questions about its independence.

Leeway for Data Processing:
The Bill allows certain “legitimate uses” of personal data without explicit consent. This includes national security, offering services, and employment-related matters.

Age of Consent:
The Centre can process data of citizens below 18 years without parental consent if the platform ensures data processing in a “verifiably safe manner,” addressing concerns in sectors like ed-tech and healthcare.

Cross-Border Data Flows:
The Bill simplifies cross-border data flows, moving from a whitelist to a blacklist approach, allowing data flows by default to all regions unless prohibited by the government. This aims to ensure business continuity.

Significant Data Fiduciaries:
The government can categorise entities as “significant data fiduciaries” based on factors like data volume, electoral democracy risks, and national security impact. Social media platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp may fall under this category, necessitating the appointment of data protection officers.

Conclusion

The passage of the Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023, in India marks a significant step toward establishing a comprehensive data protection framework. However, the Bill’s provisions have raised concerns about exemptions, online censorship, and potential impacts on the RTI Act. As the Bill awaits the President’s assent to become law, it reflects India’s ongoing efforts to strike a balance between privacy protection and innovation, all while addressing the challenges posed by the digital age.

The implications of this legislation will be closely watched by various stakeholders, including businesses, privacy advocates, and citizens, as India navigates the evolving landscape of digital data protection. Balancing individual privacy rights with national security interests is a complex task, and the effectiveness of the Bill in achieving this balance will be revealed in its implementation.

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Waqf Amendment Bill 2025: A Much-Needed Reform or Just Another Eyewash?

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Meet Deepak Bhai Patel and Dharmendra Singh. In their housing society lived a man named Ansari, who initially struggled financially and took small loans from fellow residents to purchase a home. For years, his family lived peacefully there—friendly, respected, even raising a child. But what unfolded later would leave the entire society in shock and confusion.

As time passed, Ansari repaid the society members using money borrowed from elsewhere. Slowly, strangers started visiting his home regularly for namaz and other religious activities. During the COVID lockdown in 2020, Ansari sold his house and moved away—but the visitors didn’t stop. In fact, they increased. People kept gathering to offer prayers, even when social gatherings were legally restricted. When society members investigated, they discovered something baffling: the house had been declared Waqf property, without any notice or prior consent. The entire society was stunned. “What is Waqf, and how can a private house be suddenly claimed in the name of religion?” they asked.

What Is Waqf?

Waqf, in Islamic tradition, refers to a permanent charitable endowment—essentially a donation made in the name of Allah. Once a property is declared as Waqf, its ownership is considered to be with God and cannot be sold, gifted, or inherited. The donor is called waqif, and the caretaker is called mutawalli. It’s a form of Sadaqah-e-Jaariyah—a charity that keeps benefitting others indefinitely.

In India, the first historical record of Waqf dates back to Muhammad Ghori, who allocated land to support mosques, setting a model of mosque-land pairing that spread over time. During British rule, Waqf went through critical shifts:

  • 1828: Land Resumption Act imposed taxes on Waqf lands.
  • 1857: Post-revolt, taxes were removed to maintain peace.
  • 1864: Kazee Act transferred legal authority from Qazis to British judges, weakening the Shariah link.
  • Land Acquisition Act: Allowed British government to acquire Waqf lands, shaking Waqf’s autonomy.

How the Legal Framework Evolved

  • 1923: Mussulman Wakf Act gave Waqf its first formal legal identity.
  • 1954: Indian Parliament passed the Waqf Act, largely built on British-era provisions. Each sect got its own Waqf Board with full control over Waqf properties—even if the donor was non-Muslim, the funds had to be used solely for Islamic purposes.
  • Most controversial provision: Waqf by user—if a property is used for Islamic purposes for a long time without owner objection, it can be automatically deemed Waqf.

This is exactly what happened in Deepak Patel’s society—a private residence used informally for religious purposes was unilaterally claimed as Waqf, with no notice to the actual owners or the society.

A System Ripe for Misuse

Over the years, Waqf Boards have been marred by countless scandals:

  • In Bangalore, the ex-CEO of the Waqf Board was accused of embezzling 4 crore rupees.
  • In Saharanpur, revenue from 183 bigha of land is missing.
  • In Delhi, the AAP government faced allegations of helping misuse Waqf property worth over 100 crore rupees.
  • Pune’s 7.7 crore rupees scam led to ED arrests.
  • In Assam, Waqf land was sold illegally for profit, with no board action taken.

Even religious minorities like Christians in Kerala have faced arbitrary Waqf claims. In Munambam, over 600 families were shocked when Waqf claimed their land. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India has publicly supported the recent Waqf reforms, indicating the extent of cross-community concern.

Waqf Amendment Bill 2025: What’s New?

The newly passed Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2025 marks a turning point. After multiple failed attempts and cosmetic amendments, this bill introduces serious reforms:

  1. Transparency and Digitisation: Mandatory online registration of all Waqf properties.
  2. Inclusivity: Reserved seats for women and non-Muslims on Waqf Boards.
  3. Judicial Oversight: Earlier, Waqf Tribunal decisions were “final”; now, they can be challenged in court.
  4. Preventing Illegal Encroachments: Stronger legal provisions to stop property grab in the name of Waqf.
  5. Focus on Marginalized Muslims: Special measures to ensure that benefits reach backward and poor sections within the Muslim community.

Why It Matters

India’s Waqf estates are worth over 1.2 lakh crore rupees—but they generate just ₹163 crore in revenue. With proper management, this figure could touch 12,000 crore rupees annually, significantly uplifting underprivileged Muslims. Instead, the system remained plagued by fraud, mismanagement, and religious misuse.

Unlike secular trusts and temples—whose finances are often under state control—Waqf has operated with unchecked powers. This asymmetry has long raised questions of fairness and accountability.

Conclusion

The Waqf Amendment Bill 2025 doesn’t just tweak the law—it rebalances it. It’s an attempt to restore public trust, ensure fair treatment of all religious communities, and protect individuals like Deepak Patel from waking up to find their homes no longer belong to them. Whether this bill truly reforms the Waqf structure or becomes another missed opportunity depends on one thing: implementation.

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A Tale of Two Rivers: Yamuna and Sabarmati

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Aerial view of Yamuna and Sabarmati was taken with the help of Google Earth.
Aerial view of Yamuna and Sabarmati

India considers its rivers sacred. In Hinduism some are even personified as goddesses. Yet, paradoxically, these revered rivers often bear the brunt of abuse and pollution. Vital to the rise of civilizations, rivers are lifelines without which cities cannot thrive.

In this documentary we explore the tale of two rivers, Sabarmati and Yamuna both are lifelines of their respective cities, yet they stand as stark opposites. Life resides on the banks of both the rivers but people of Yamuna breathe poison while Sabarmati riverfront Ahmedabad provides a haven for leisure, economic activities, and community life.

The Sabarmati Riverfront showcases a governance model that marries urbanization with environmental preservation. Often mistaken as the capital of Gujarat, Ahmedabad stands as a stellar example of city planning and sustainable development. For decades, the Sabarmati was a neglected and polluted river. However, the Gujarat government decided to turn the tide.

It decided to use the 100 crore amount from the River conservation program to clean the Sabarmati. It installed pumping stations and sewage treatment plant. This gave the people of Gujarat hope. Soon the Sabarmati riverfront development project was passed and a special purpose vehicle called the Sabarmati Riverfront Development Corporation limited. The river was on its way for a makeover. Soon strategies for flood protection, bank protection, and river training were formulated. On both the banks of the river diaphragm walls were built to sustain floods and the project can sustain levels of 4.75 lac cusecs without spillage into the city.

In stark contrast, the Yamuna, personified as the goddess Yami, remains murky, toxic, and heavily polluted. It supplies 70% of Delhi’s water, yet the 22-kilometer urban stretch between the Wazirabad Barrage and Okhla Barrage—just 2% of its total length—accounts for nearly 80% of the river’s pollution. Every winter, the Yamuna is blanketed in toxic froth, mockingly referred to as the “famous bubble bath” provided by the Delhi government.

Crores of rupees have been invested in cleaning the Yamuna, involving Japan international banks, various plans, and strategies, yet the efforts appear to yield no significant results. The Government of Japan provided loan assistance for implementation of YAP in December-1990. YAP was formally launched in 1993, now called as YAP phase I. The total cost of YAP I along with the additional package was INR 7.32 billion between 1993 and 2003. Subsequently, under YAP II, INR 6.24 billion was allocated between 2004 and 2011, but the project failed to meet its deadlines. In 2019, YAP III was launched as part of the Namami Gange project. Nearly INR 6,856.91 crore was spent over five years, from 2017-21.  In 2023, the Delhi government allocated an additional INR1,028 crore for cleaning the Yamuna, bringing the total to INR 3,139 crore. The Delhi government had received a fund of INR 618.50 crore under the Yamuna Action Plan III from the Central government and had spent around INR 687 crore for cleaning the Yamuna. Ministry of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation in December 2018 released a sum of INR 2,361.08 crore to the Delhi government for 11 projects for cleaning the Yamuna.

The mathematics of the Sabarmati Riverfront development project is fairly simple and it isn’t merely about the beautification of the river. It is planned to sustain business, economics, people-centric activities, and further development of the city. The project was planned to self-finance. Its success lies behind the transparent approach of the government and SRFDL. Revenue of around INR 450 crore was generated from the sale of reclaimed land. This covered the initial 5 yea₹ of projected construction cost of INR 361 crore. The initial phase, which opened in August 2012, had a cost of INR 1,400 crore (US$160 million) as of November 2019. The second phase, covering 5.5 km on both banks, was approved in 2020 with an initial budget of INR 850 crore. The plan is to extend this to the capital Gandhinagar—26.65 km in multiple phases over the next 15 years.

Gujarat Model made Narendra Modi the 14th Prime minister of India and he has been the prime minister for three consecutive terms. It is a hard to digest pill for many politicians. It truly separates politics from governance and has made Gujarat one of most liveable cities of India. Sabarmati Riverfront development project is an important and beautiful part of the same model. This project is unique because it truly socialized a river, a historic river, which through decades of neglect and decay, had become a pathetic caricature of a river. It is high time that Delhi government learns the difference between politics and governance and utilise money being pumped into the Yamuna river.

In contrast, the Sabarmati Riverfront Project was strategically planned to be self-financing. Revenue of INR 450 crore was generated from the sale of reclaimed land, covering the initial five years of construction costs (INR 361 crore). The first phase, inaugurated in 2012, cost INR 1,400 crore. The second phase, approved in 2020, had an initial budget of INR 850 crore and aimed to extend the riverfront by 5.5 km. Future plans include extending the project to Gandhinagar—26.65 km in multiple phases over 15 years.

The Sabarmati Riverfront epitomizes the Gujarat Model of governance, which separates politics from administration. This model catapulted Narendra Modi to the position of India’s 14th Prime Minister, a role he has held for three consecutive terms. While critics may find this difficult to accept, the Gujarat Model’s focus on transparent governance and sustainable urban development has made Ahmedabad one of India’s most livable cities.

The Sabarmati Riverfront Project exemplifies how a neglected river was revitalized into a thriving social and economic hub. It is high time the Delhi government draws lessons from this approach, moving beyond political rhetoric to effectively utilize the resources allocated for the Yamuna. Clean rivers are not just a matter of infrastructure but a reflection of governance that prioritizes people over politics.

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Unsolved Mystery: The Chilling Tale of Mumbai’s Beer Man Killings

In the bustling streets of Mumbai, a shadowy figure left a trail of fear and mystery between October 2006 and January 2007. Known only as the “Beer Man,” this elusive serial killer preyed upon the city’s homeless men, leaving beer bottles as his sinister calling card.

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The story of the “Beer Man” killings in Mumbai involves a series of murders that took place between October 2006 and January 2007. The nickname “Beer Man” was given to the unidentified serial killer because beer bottles were found near the bodies of the victims.

Here is a summary of the key points:

  1. Victims: The killer targeted homeless men, often found in secluded areas of South Mumbai. There were seven confirmed victims, and each was killed in a similar manner, often by being bludgeoned to death.
  2. Crime Scenes: The murders took place in various parts of South Mumbai, including the Marine Lines and Churchgate areas. The presence of beer bottles at the crime scenes was a signature element, leading to the moniker “Beer Man.”
  3. Investigation: The Mumbai police launched an extensive investigation, but the case proved challenging due to the lack of witnesses and concrete evidence. The randomness of the attacks and the lack of a clear motive further complicated the investigation.
  4. Arrest: In January 2008, Ravindra Kantrole, a 42-year-old former police informer with a criminal background, was arrested and charged with the murders. Kantrole had been linked to one of the crime scenes through forensic evidence. He was initially convicted of one murder but later acquitted due to insufficient evidence.
  5. Aftermath: Despite the arrest and trial of Kantrole, doubts remained about whether he was indeed the “Beer Man.” The lack of conclusive evidence and the subsequent acquittal left the case unresolved in the eyes of many.

The “Beer Man” killings remain one of Mumbai’s most notorious unsolved murder cases, shrouded in mystery and speculation.

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