As winter approaches, a familiar scene unfolds: Bollywood celebrities, politicians, and governments suddenly turn their attention to the pressing issue of pollution, especially in cities like Delhi. Simultaneously, developed nations are quick to exert pressure on their developing counterparts to reduce carbon emissions. While these efforts are commendable, it is imperative to draw attention to the double standards that persist in both national and international communities regarding pollution control. This article aims to explore these “selective” approaches to pollution and to underscore the need for a more equitable and comprehensive outlook in our journey towards a green, sustainable, and eco-friendly world that strives for net zero emissions and combats climate change, global warming, and pollution.

Banning Firecrackers in Delhi: A Step Towards a Sustainable Future?

The recent decision by the Delhi government to ban firecrackers during Diwali, is a commendable step toward reducing the city’s carbon footprint and mitigating carbon emissions. Delhi’s Environment Minister, Gopal Rai, has highlighted the importance of this ban, citing a significant decline in PM 10 and PM 2.5 levels by 42% and 46%, respectively, from 2014 to 2023. While these reductions are indeed noteworthy, they fall short of achieving the desired air quality, especially during the harsh winter months. It raises the question: why is the focus solely on firecrackers during festivals, while other substantial contributors to pollution, such as stubble burning, receive less attention?

Stubble Burning: A Persistent Challenge in the Fight Against Pollution

Stubble burning remains a major source of atmospheric pollution in northern India. The Indo-Gangetic Plain, known for its rice-wheat rotation system, generates substantial stubble that is often set ablaze, releasing harmful pollutants. States like Haryana and Punjab, which play a pivotal role in agriculture, are significant contributors to this practice. Farmers resort to burning stubble to prepare their fields for the next planting season within a limited time frame. Paradoxically, while the emissions from firecrackers during Diwali attract criticism, stubble burning continues as a persistent and unaddressed problem. This apparent double standard is evident in the selective focus on one form of pollution while ignoring another.

Global Hypocrisy in Pollution Control: A Challenge in the Fight Against Climate Change

The international community’s approach to pollution control exhibits a similar double standard. While there is a global push to reduce carbon emissions and combat climate change and global warming, it is disheartening to witness the silence surrounding emissions resulting from geopolitical conflicts. Two prime examples of this double standard are the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas conflict.

The Russia-Ukraine war has resulted in extensive deforestation in Ukraine and significant damage to the country’s renewable energy systems, hindering efforts to achieve a more green and sustainable future. Surprisingly, the international community seems to conveniently ignore the carbon emissions resulting from these conflicts. The war has also led to a substantial increase in forest fires, releasing vast amounts of CO2 into the atmosphere. Furthermore, the disruption of energy supplies in the region has slowed future carbon sequestration efforts.

This selective approach to pollution control extends to the military sector. While the 2015 Paris Agreement requires nations to disclose and reduce their national emissions in the quest for net zero, military emissions abroad are exempt from reporting. These military emissions, both direct and indirect, could account for as much as 5.5% of total global emissions. This oversight is a significant double standard in the fight against climate change. The conflict in Ukraine has directly resulted in the release of 33 million tons of greenhouse gases, a figure that cannot be ignored.

The Environmental Consequences of Warfare: An Obstacle in Achieving Net Zero Emissions

A report titled “Climate Damage Caused By Russia’s War in Ukraine,” funded by the European Climate Foundation and the Environmental Policy and Advocacy Initiative in Ukraine, warned of a net increase of 120 million tonnes of greenhouse gases in the first 12 months of the war, equivalent to the annual output of a country like Belgium. This report, due to be released on the sidelines of the U.N. climate summit in Bonn, emphasises that it’s not only the warfare itself contributing to emissions but also the future reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure, which will have long-term implications in achieving a green, sustainable, and eco-friendly world.

Global leaders will converge at the COP-28 climate summit in Dubai this November to assess progress against climate goals agreed upon in the 2015 Paris Agreement. It is essential to include military emissions in these assessments, as they can account for as much as 5.5% of total global emissions. This inclusive approach is crucial for achieving global climate goals and ensuring that military emissions are addressed on the path to net zero emissions.

The Israel-Hamas Conflict and Energy Choices: Towards a Sustainable Future

The ongoing war between Israel and Hamas is expected to have significant environmental consequences. The head of the International Energy Agency (IEA) notes that geopolitical events are impacting the availability and prices of oil and natural gas, which are critical to our quest for a more sustainable, eco-friendly energy mix. The conflict in the Middle East has the potential to disrupt trade routes, leading to higher and more volatile energy prices. This could adversely affect economic growth, particularly in developing countries, emphasising the need for a green, sustainable energy transition.

The IEA emphasises the need for countries and consumers to shift toward cleaner energy sources, recognizing the fragility and geopolitical uncertainties associated with oil supplies. According to the IEA’s annual report, under current policies, global demand for coal, oil, and natural gas will peak this decade, with the share of fossil fuels in the global energy mix falling to 73% by 2030. This transition is vital in our fight against pollution, climate change, and global warming, moving us closer to a green, sustainable, and net-zero future.

The United States and Its Role in Achieving Sustainability

The United States, often seen as a global leader, is not exempt from scrutiny. The U.S. military’s war-related activities abroad between 2001 and 2018 caused 440 million tonnes of emissions, according to the Costs of War project at Brown University. Additionally, during the 1990-91 Gulf War, about 133 million tonnes of emissions were released when Iraq set fire to hundreds of oil wells as it retreated from Kuwait, as reported by the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis.

It is worth considering that the United States, now an advocate for global climate goals, underwent a period of significant energy and resource consumption during the 1990s. This history raises questions about whether a nation that has already consumed vast natural resources in the past should ask developing nations to limit their own consumption on the path to a green, sustainable future.

Conclusion

The battle against pollution and climate change is a global effort, and it demands consistent and equitable actions. While efforts to reduce pollution, such as banning firecrackers and addressing stubble burning, are vital, it’s crucial to maintain a balanced perspective and address all sources of pollution with equal concern on the journey to a green, sustainable, and eco-friendly world that strives for net zero emissions and combats climate change, global warming, and pollution.

National and international communities must be more proactive in acknowledging and confronting pollution, regardless of its origin. This includes taking a hard look at the environmental consequences of conflicts and military activities, which are often underestimated or overlooked.

The Arthashastra, composed in Sanskrit during the Mauryan Empire, stands as one of the oldest treatises on governance, military strategy, politics, economics, justice, and the responsibilities of rulers. Scholars estimate its creation around the second century BCE, and it is attributed to Kautilya, also known as Chanakya, who served as the prime minister to Chandragupta, the first of the Mauryan rulers.

After the decline of the Mauryan Empire, this remarkable document was lost to history until its serendipitous rediscovery by Rudrapatna Shamashastri, a Sanskrit scholar and librarian, in 1905. Shamashastri stumbled upon the original Arthashastra hidden among stacks of palm leaf manuscripts at the ORI, founded by Mysore’s Wodeyar kings in 1891. The institute became part of the University of Mysore in 1916 and houses an impressive collection of around 70,000 rare palm-leaf manuscripts.

Recognizing the significance of his discovery, Shamashastri painstakingly transcribed the Arthashastra onto fresh palm leaves and published it in 1909. His scholarly dedication extended to translating it into English in 1915.

The revelation of the Arthashastra was a pivotal moment in Indian historiography, debunking the British Raj’s belief that India’s concepts of governance and military administration were influenced by the Greeks. Additionally, it usurped Niccolo Machiavelli’s “The Prince,” a 16th-century work, as the world’s oldest treatise on political philosophy.

Despite its profound historical importance, the original Arthashastra languishes in neglect within the ORI’s confines. S.A. Krishnaiah, a member of the institute’s committee, laments that the document is stored in a cushioned box, wrapped in cloth, without the protection of an air conditioner or dehumidifier. This neglect pains those who understand its true worth.

The ORI itself has grappled with financial constraints for years. In 2012, the US government provided a grant of $50,000 to address structural issues like a leaking roof. The Ford Foundation contributed dehumidifiers and air conditioners, but these have fallen into disrepair. The institute has also weathered two fires in the past due to faulty wiring in 1996 and 1998, sparking concerns that the Arthashastra and its collection of approximately 70,000 historic documents and manuscripts could have been reduced to ashes.

While efforts have been made to improve the institute’s infrastructure, including rewiring, relocating the book depot, and implementing painting and dust-proofing measures, the preservation of fragile documents has not received adequate attention. Research scholars who utilise the ORI’s resources assert that it lacks sufficient funding to manage manuscripts, hire experts, and maintain the building.

Dr. Shivarajappa, the director of ORI, acknowledges the need for focused efforts to revive the original Arthashastra document. He has proposed a grant of ₹3.5 crore from the government for this purpose and seeks additional staffing with expertise in preserving and documenting ancient manuscripts. His commitment to preserving this national treasure is underscored by his personal initiative to learn the latest techniques during a visit to the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune.

Despite its challenges, the ORI continues to welcome approximately 5,000 visitors each year, including scholars and students from around the world. Dr. Hemantha Kumar, the vice-chancellor of the University of Mysore, has pledged increased funding for ORI and emphasised that funds have been designated for the Arthashastra’s preservation. Additionally, the institute has the freedom to propose digitization projects for the Arthashastra as needed.

While digitization ensures broader access to the Arthashastra’s contents, the original manuscript remains incredibly fragile. Prof. L.N. Swamy, a senior history faculty member at the University of Mysore and former official of the Karnataka archaeology department, underscores that palm leaves have a longer lifespan than many other materials. However, even palm leaf documents require preservation efforts like air conditioning, dehumidifiers, and citronella oil coating to extend their lives.

As the original Arthashastra manuscript teeters on the brink of deterioration, scholars like Krishnaiah and others advocate for immediate, scientifically guided preservation measures. Regardless of the existence of copies and digitised versions, the value of safeguarding this priceless historical artifact cannot be overstated. It is a testament to India’s rich intellectual heritage, and its protection is a duty that must be upheld for future generations.

Key Provisions of the Bill

Exemptions for the Centre:
One of the contentious aspects of the Bill is the provision that allows the central government to exempt “any instrumentality of the state” from the adverse consequences of data processing, citing reasons such as national security, foreign relations, and maintenance of public order. IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw defended these exemptions, citing scenarios like natural disasters and police investigations where swift action may be required without obtaining consent for data processing.

Comparison with GDPR:
Shri. Vaishnaw pointed out that the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) contains 16 exemptions, while India’s Bill has only four. However, privacy advocates argue that the Indian legislation grants broader powers to the government.

Penalties and Platform Blocking:
The Bill introduces penalties for entities that violate data protection norms. If an entity is penalized on multiple occasions, the central government, after a hearing, can decide to block its platform in the country. This provision adds a layer of enforcement not present in the 2022 draft.

Online Censorship Concerns:
Experts have raised concerns that the Bill, particularly the exemptions and penalties, could contribute to the existing online censorship regime, particularly under Section 69(A) of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

Impact on the Right to Information Act:
Critics worry that the Bill’s provisions protecting the personal data of government functionaries could potentially undermine the RTI Act by making it difficult to share such information with RTI applicants. Shri. Vaishnaw argued that the Bill harmonises RTI and personal data protection.

Data Protection Board:
The control of the Centre in appointing members of the Data Protection Board, which deals with privacy-related grievances and disputes, has been retained. The Chief Executive of the board will be appointed by the central government, raising questions about its independence.

Leeway for Data Processing:
The Bill allows certain “legitimate uses” of personal data without explicit consent. This includes national security, offering services, and employment-related matters.

Age of Consent:
The Centre can process data of citizens below 18 years without parental consent if the platform ensures data processing in a “verifiably safe manner,” addressing concerns in sectors like ed-tech and healthcare.

Cross-Border Data Flows:
The Bill simplifies cross-border data flows, moving from a whitelist to a blacklist approach, allowing data flows by default to all regions unless prohibited by the government. This aims to ensure business continuity.

Significant Data Fiduciaries:
The government can categorise entities as “significant data fiduciaries” based on factors like data volume, electoral democracy risks, and national security impact. Social media platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp may fall under this category, necessitating the appointment of data protection officers.

Conclusion

The passage of the Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023, in India marks a significant step toward establishing a comprehensive data protection framework. However, the Bill’s provisions have raised concerns about exemptions, online censorship, and potential impacts on the RTI Act. As the Bill awaits the President’s assent to become law, it reflects India’s ongoing efforts to strike a balance between privacy protection and innovation, all while addressing the challenges posed by the digital age.

The implications of this legislation will be closely watched by various stakeholders, including businesses, privacy advocates, and citizens, as India navigates the evolving landscape of digital data protection. Balancing individual privacy rights with national security interests is a complex task, and the effectiveness of the Bill in achieving this balance will be revealed in its implementation.

Born as Koose Muniswamy Veerappan on January 18, 1952, in Gopinatham, Mysore (now Karnataka), Veerappan’s journey into infamy began at a young age. He was drawn to the life of poaching and smuggling, and it wasn’t long before he committed his first murder at the tender age of 17. By 18, he had joined a gang of poachers, expanding their operations to include sandalwood and ivory smuggling, abduction, and more. His victims primarily consisted of police officers, forest officials, and locals whom he suspected of being informers.

In 1986, Veerappan was captured and briefly taken into custody, but his cunning and resourcefulness saw him escape the clutches of the law. It was from this point that a relentless cat-and-mouse chase between Veerappan and the authorities began.

The governments of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka convened a special task force dedicated to capturing Veerappan in 1990, but his ability to evade arrest was nothing short of astounding. He had cultivated an extensive information network and had earned the loyalty of impoverished locals through his financial contributions.

Over the years, Veerappan’s reign of terror continued unabated. In the year 2000, he made headlines by kidnapping the renowned Kannada film star Rajkumar, and holding him captive for a harrowing 108 days. Rajkumar’s release reportedly came at the steep price of a substantial ransom.

Veerappan’s criminal exploits extended beyond his infamous kidnappings. He was wanted for the murders of more than 120 people, including police officers and forest officials. His insatiable appetite for elephant poaching led to the deaths of over 2,000 majestic creatures. Additionally, he was a prolific smuggler, responsible for trafficking millions of dollars worth of sandalwood and ivory.

Despite the relentless pursuit by law enforcement, Veerappan managed to outwit authorities for nearly two decades. His ability to escape from one state to another due to political instability, as well as jurisdictional issues that hindered police cooperation, made his capture an elusive goal.

However, the tides of fate would eventually turn against Veerappan on that fateful day—October 18, 2004. Unbeknownst to him, undercover police officers from the Tamil Nadu Special Task Force had orchestrated an ingenious plan to lure him out of his forest stronghold. They had planted an informant within his ranks, allowing them to discover that Veerappan needed to visit a hospital in Salem for his eye.

As the bandit unknowingly climbed into an ambulance arranged by the police, he failed to notice a critical detail—his destination, “Salem,” had been misspelt as “Selam” on the ambulance. This typographical error, born of haste, would prove to be Veerappan’s downfall.

Within minutes, the ambush unfolded as the Special Task Force fired 338 bullets at the ambulance. Veerappan, the once-feared poacher, was fatally wounded. The manhunt that had spanned a decade reached its conclusion in just 20 minutes.

Veerappan’s demise marked the end of an era—one defined by fear, violence, and audacious criminal exploits. His name will forever be associated with the dark and shadowy world of poaching and smuggling that he dominated for so long. The battle to capture Veerappan came at a steep cost, with the governments of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka spending over ₹100 crore.

As his life story unravelled, it became clear that Veerappan’s criminal journey had begun under the influence of his uncle, Saalvai Gounder, a notorious poacher and sandalwood smuggler. From poaching elephants for their tusks to committing his first murder at age 17, Veerappan’s descent into infamy was swift and relentless.

Despite the political and jurisdictional challenges that allowed him to evade capture for years, Veerappan’s reign of terror came to an end, leaving behind a legacy of crime, violence, and a manhunt that captured the nation’s attention.

Veerappan, the once-feared bandit with a formidable moustache, had met his match, and his era of infamy had come to a close.

Efficiency Meets Innovation

The India Post’s 3D-printed post office covers a built-up area of 1,021 square feet, showcasing a striking blend of efficiency and innovation. What makes this project truly exceptional is the use of 3D concrete printing technology, a fully automated building construction method. A robotic printer meticulously deposits concrete layer by layer, following the approved design. Special-grade concrete, which hardens rapidly, ensures the bonding between layers, allowing for the swift creation of the structure.

George Abraham, Head of Operations (South and East) at L&T, emphasised the impact of robotic intervention in achieving this remarkable feat. Compared to the conventional construction method, which typically takes 6-8 months, the 3D-printed post office was completed in a mere 43 days. This not only accelerates the construction process but also reduces costs significantly.

Cost-Effective and Sustainable

The 3D-printed post office project was executed at a cost of Rs 23 lakh, making it approximately 30-40 percent more cost-effective than traditional construction methods. Professor Manu Santhanam, from the Building Technology and Construction Management Division at IIT Madras, highlighted the critical factors that contributed to the success of concrete 3D printing. He explained that the project incorporated indigenous machines and robots while utilizing a special concrete material with exceptional properties.

IIT Madras and L&T conducted extensive meetings to ensure the project’s success. Professor Ravindra Gettu from IIT-M played a pivotal role as the primary advisor, ensuring the compatibility of the 3D-printed technology with conventional construction. The project involved detailed assessments of materials, structural design, construction methodology, and concept approval. Additionally, Professor Gettu conducted site visits to ensure on-site quality and provided guidance on curing and technical matters.

Innovative Technology for the Future

The 3D printing technology employed in the post office project was flexible and adaptable. It allowed for curved surfaces and adapted to site dimensions, eliminating the constraints of flat walls. This technology enabled continuous reinforced concrete footing and three-layer walls, combining concrete and reinforced concrete for added strength and durability. Moreover, it facilitated the incorporation of weather-proofing and utilities within the walls, enhancing construction efficiency.

The Future of 3D Printing

Developers believe that 3D printing’s unique ability to enable individual customization and weather-proofing will play a vital role in housing-related construction. Chief Postmaster General of Karnataka Circle, Rajendra Kumar, noted that the larger goal is to harness 3D printing technology for low-cost housing projects. Plans are underway to construct post offices across 400 vacant sites in the state, where postal services are currently inaccessible. This pioneering project is expected to serve as a blueprint for the future development of affordable, efficient, and sustainable construction methods using 3D printing technology.

Conclusion

India’s first 3D-printed post office in Bengaluru stands as a testament to the country’s progress in construction technology. With its speed, cost-effectiveness, and sustainability, 3D printing has the potential to revolutionise the construction industry and address pressing challenges, including low-cost housing. As the nation looks to expand this innovative approach to post offices and beyond, it opens doors to a brighter and more efficient future in the realm of construction and infrastructure development.

The Tigray War, which erupted in November 2020, serves as the epicenter of Ethiopia’s current turmoil. The conflict began when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a radical party dominant in the Tigray region, clashed with the federal government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali. Abiy Ahmed had assumed office in April 2018 and had embarked on a mission to root out TPLF influence from key government positions. This move, while promising a “safe” government for Tigray, created a deep-seated animosity between the federal government and the TPLF.

Tensions escalated further when elections in Tigray, scheduled for September 2020, were held despite the federal government’s COVID-19-related postponement. The TPLF emerged victorious in these elections, a move deemed illegal by the federal government. In response, the federal government froze funds to Tigray, demanding a redo of the elections. This standoff culminated in November 2020 when the TPLF attacked the federal military’s command in Tigray, capturing its military assets. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed retaliated with airstrikes, resulting in civilian casualties and deepening resentment among the local population.

The Amhara region, Ethiopia’s second-largest ethnic group, played a pivotal role in the Tigray War by supporting the federal government’s forces. The region is also home to the Fano militia, which actively backed Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. However, clashes with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), linked to the TPLF, in early 2021 led to further violence and instability in Ethiopia, particularly against the Amhara population.

Efforts were made to quell the conflict, including a peace pact between the federal government and Tigray, but this triggered an insurgency by the OLA. Ethnic violence against Amharas in Oromia ensued, eroding faith in the Ethiopian leadership’s ability to support the Amhara cause. Clashes between federal forces and Fano escalated in May 2022 when the government attempted to disarm and arrest Fano members, resulting in numerous detentions in the Amhara region.

The Arrest of Zemene Kase, a senior leader of Fano, in September 2022, further exacerbated tensions. In April 2023, federal forces entered the Amhara region to disarm regional troops, leading to the silencing of opposition media and the suspension of aid operations by NGOs due to the killings of aid workers.

As of May 2023, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission reported militarised situations in various regions, with violence spreading to North Gondar, North Woll, and North Shewa zones. Meanwhile, the Amhara regional government cited the Fano militia’s eastern faction for the assassination of the Amhara Prosperity Party’s head, Girma Yeshitila. In August 2023, Fano clashed with the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and seized Lalibela airport, prompting the Ethiopian government to declare a state of emergency.

Conclusion

Ethiopia’s turmoil is a multifaceted crisis with deep historical roots, involving ethnic tensions, political rivalries, and regional dynamics. A peaceful and diplomatic resolution is essential to bring stability to the nation and ensure the well-being of its diverse population. The international community must continue to support efforts to find a lasting solution to this complex and devastating conflict.

Addressing the Complex Reality

Consider the situation: a nation where gender equality and access to education for women have regrettably become distant aspirations, where public life is characterised by a gender imbalance, and where the Hijab is no longer a matter of personal choice but a mandated requirement. Afghanistan’s two-year journey under the Taliban has been marked by a somber atmosphere. Additionally, the hesitance of the Taliban to fully endorse UNSC Resolution 2593, which emphasises inclusivity and the participation of women, has prompted deliberation about their adherence to international norms.

The Growing Humanitarian Challenge

In the midst of these complexities, international humanitarian organisations have painted a sobering picture. A humanitarian crisis looms large, with a substantial portion of Afghanistan’s population—15 million out of 40 million—facing the harsh reality of food insecurity in 2023. Mental health issues afflict 20% of the population, and an alarming four million individuals grapple with drug addiction. The accessibility of basic healthcare services remains an unattained objective.

India’s Strategic Interests and Contributions

India’s vested interests in Afghanistan extend beyond mere diplomacy, they serve as a vital cornerstone of its regional strategy. Before the resurgence of the Taliban, India stood among the top five contributors, with more than 500 projects spanning across all 34 provinces of Afghanistan. These initiatives encompassed humanitarian aid, infrastructure development, economic progress, and capacity-building endeavours. Imagine critical road networks, substantial dams, educational institutions, and healthcare facilities. Notably, India’s gift of the Afghan Parliament in Kabul symbolises democratic aspirations shared between the two nations.

A Historical Relationship Revisited

The resurgence of the Taliban marks the unraveling of two decades of painstaking diplomatic efforts and reconstruction in Afghanistan. The historical ties between India and Afghanistan have consistently held strategic significance. Afghanistan, once uniquely among SAARC nations, had long held a particular affinity for India. This connection was severed between 1996 and 2001, aligning India with the global consensus in opposition to the previous Taliban regime. However, India later rekindled this relationship through substantial development assistance, contributing significantly to Afghanistan’s rehabilitation.

India’s Current Strategic Approach

Presently, India’s role has evolved to primarily provide essential humanitarian assistance—a lifeline amidst the prevailing challenges. The United Nations World Food Programme has commended India’s contributions, supporting the sustenance of 16 million people in the first half of this year alone. India’s initial restrained response to the Taliban’s return in 2021 has evolved into a cautious engagement. In 2022, India dispatched a diplomatic delegation to Kabul, signifying an official engagement with the Taliban regime.

Charting the Course in Uncertain Waters

India’s recalibration towards engaging with the Taliban reflects the evolving dynamics within Afghanistan. The current fragmented state of the Taliban in power offers opportunities for nuanced political and diplomatic engagements. India’s resumption of diplomatic activities underscores a significant shift in policy. Importantly, these engagements have transpired without significant security threats thus far.

Conclusion:

The two-year milestone of Taliban rule in Afghanistan underscores the resilience of a nation in the face of formidable challenges. For India, navigating this multifaceted terrain entails a delicate balancing act between diplomacy and humanitarianism. As it charts its course in this complex landscape, India wields the influence and the capacity to provide vital assistance, all while upholding its cherished values of democracy, freedom, and human rights. In this challenging era, India’s diplomatic journey unfolds—a story characterised by resilience, adaptability, and an unwavering commitment to global peace.

First and foremost, let’s clarify that no substantial “aid” for humanitarian or poverty alleviation has been extended by the UK to India since 2017. While India did accept aid from the UK in its early post-independence years, the landscape has significantly evolved since then. Present-day India neither seeks nor requires financial assistance from the UK or any other nation. The financial inflows from the UK to India today are predominantly motivated by mutual economic interests, rather than a charitable gesture. In essence, what is being referred to as “aid” constitutes strategic business investments.

Before 2017, only a fraction of the funds could genuinely be considered as “aid,” with the majority being channelled through foreign Commonwealth and Development offices, multilateral organisations, and the British International Investment (BII), engaged in a wide range of endeavours, from mid-sized banks to coffee chains and media companies. When comparing these “aid” numbers with the substantial financial assistance India provides to other nations, the scale of this discussion seems somewhat skewed.

It is also important to note that the so-called “aid” from the UK was not directly allocated to the Government of India itself. India maintains a long-standing policy of not accepting foreign aid directly. Instead, these funds were directed towards selected companies and non-governmental organisations chosen by the UK based on their criteria. The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) reiterated in 2022 that no financial aid had been allocated to the Government of India since 2015. The primary focus, as it turns out, is on promoting business investments, creating new markets, and generating job opportunities. 

Since 2017, the UK has consciously refrained from getting deeply involved in India’s growing concerns related to democracy, human rights, and civic space—a few issues that have occasionally surfaced in global indices. The “aid” portfolio has seemingly shifted its emphasis away from poverty reduction, which remains the primary objective of UK Aid.


While I appreciate the inquisitiveness of the British gentleman and welcome open dialogues, it is paramount for all parties involved to be well-informed and precise in their assertions. The revelation that the UK proudly stands as India’s sixth largest investor might sound nice. But one needs to also ponder over the fact that India is the second largest investor in the UK, not sixth but second, according to none other than the UK’s own Department for International Trade FDI figures and the government data. 

For a moment, let’s consider history. A report from Columbia University Press, authored by economist Utsa Patnaik, reminds us that between 1765 and 1938, the East India Company and the British Raj managed to accumulate an astounding £9.2 trillion (or $44.6 trillion today) from India. Now, that’s quite the historical backdrop. If there are considerations for repayment, perhaps the UK should commence with settling accounts from the colonial era before scrutinising contemporary financial dealings.

In conclusion, the recent discourse surrounding India repaying UK “aid” is based on a series of misunderstandings, perhaps with a touch of historical reflection. These financial transactions more closely resemble strategic investments in India’s sophisticated democracy, aimed at bolstering economic cooperation and mutually beneficial opportunities. While the British gentleman’s homeland grapples with its own economic challenges, including unemployment, it may be wise to prioritise domestic matters over international financial affairs. 

“Kitse” is a testament of the beauty of regional music. It doesn’t just entertain but also encapsulates the essence of Haryana, its emotions and its way of life through the soulful lyrics penned by Mohito. The song paints a vivid and raw picture of the village, its emotions, and the vibrant tapestry of life in the heartland.

What sets “Kitse” apart is its ability to transcend regional boundaries and become a trailblazer for other regional music makers around the world. This song is a testament to how raw thoughts can be seamlessly woven together with contemporary music, creating an exquisite tapestry that resonates with a global audience. The magic of “Kitse” lies in its fusion of modern music with its deep-rooted, traditional influences. Mohito has masterfully blended the old and the new, creating a musical masterpiece that bridges generations and connects souls. His lyrics, delivered with finesse, are not just words but a reflection of the heart and soul of Haryana.

“Kitse” has already taken the digital realm by storm, amassing over 1.2 million views on YouTube. This astounding success is a testament to the song’s universal appeal and the way it touches the hearts of music enthusiasts from all walks of life. But the song is more than just a song, it is a cultural celebration. It’s a reminder of the power of music to unite people, transcending language and geographic barriers. It’s a testament to the fact that great music knows no boundaries and can emerge from any corner of the world.

As Kitse continues to enchant listeners worldwide, it serves as a beacon of hope for regional music. It is a symbol of the rich tapestry of cultures waiting to be explored through music. Mohito and NYN Music have set a high standard for regional artists, inspiring them to create music that resonates not just with their communities but with the entire world.